Opinion

The photo of the Tianjin summit reveals to Europeans the image of a strange, even foreign world. One in which the Western model is crumbling in the face of opposition from a bloc of states with authoritarian, even dictatorial tendencies; meanwhile equipped with the means to achieve their ambitions. Whether it be their military and bellicose pretensions, their global exploitation of raw materials, their domination of entire sectors of the economy of the future, or their still solid demographic base, these states are a clear counterweight to the Western world order.

Observers of world affairs have long recognised the arrival of these new players on the international stage, but also the threat they pose to Western democracies. Many of the same observers have stressed the importance for the European Union and its member states to take measures to ensure that the principles and values underpinning the European project are respected, both within Europe and elsewhere.

However, such recommendations have not convinced European heads of state or government to make profound changes to the model that would enable this economic giant to finally become a major political player on the global stage. Whether it be divisions between member states, the subjugation of member states and the European executive to the dictates of the Trump administration, or the inability to move beyond a national perspective in order to shape a common destiny, everything is converging to bring about failure and relegate the European Union to the sidelines of the international stage.

But if states are unable or unwilling to act, where is the space in a democracy to organise itself both in principle and in action? At first glance, nothing exists, if we refer to the current organisation of international relations structured around states. But in reality, another democratic force can emerge as a counterweight to this: cities.

Cities have three specific characteristics that position them as unique and real global players. Firstly, cities are not states. This dimension, however basic it may be, gives them an essential characteristic. With no borders, cities are spaces of flux, composed of diverse and sometimes very heterogeneous populations, to which they adapt and which they organise. For cities, the world is not divided into two distinct blocs but into individuals and communities whose diversity and

Secondly, cities are the place where European policies are implemented, and where solutions to major European crises and challenges emerge. From the housing crisis to adaptation to climate change and population movements linked to global upheavals, cities – often with the support of their citizens – provide concrete solutions and make policy real.

In this regard, it is interesting to consider a direct relations service between the EU and cities, particularly for funding. In this way, cities could provide fundamental support for guaranteeing the principles of democracy and the rule of law. Could we build on this logic to consolidate the role and power of cities in implementing EU policies and therefore increase their role and position within the EU?

Thirdly, European cities are organised into networks such as Eurocities for cities with more than 250,000 inhabitants or the Council of European Municipalities and Regions, which brings together all categories of local authorities. As such, these networks – representing millions of European citizens – give cities a voice and a collective power on the European stage.

In a world subject to profound tensions and transformations that threaten the foundations of European values and the credibility of states, yesterday’s solutions may prove insufficient. Cities, represented by the diversity of their mayors, strengthened by their political legitimacy and their networks, can become the political voice of citizens who refuse to see our shared history and values diluted.